The nicest thing one can say about political corruption in the Philippines is that the nation does not stand alone: The Philippines has plenty of company in the corruption swamp. Another nice thing is that political corruption is “easy pickings” for any journalist who is looking for a good story and doesn’t mind dodging a few bullets, so the news media in Manila are having a long-awaited “field day”.
In Manila early last month, tens of thousands of Filipinos gathered in Rizal Park and the People Power monument to demand accountability for “ghost” infrastructure projects. The main demonstrations included the Baha sa Luneta as well as the Trillion Peso March, so-called because Greenpeace Philippines estimates that politicians, bureaucrats and contractors siphoned off more than ₱1 trillion from government contracts, notably for flood control. At last count, 21 individuals have been referred by the National Bureau of Investigation to the National Prosecution Service for charges including graft, indirect bribery and “malversation” of public funds. Dozens more culprits are still under investigation.
In Nepal, just as demonstrations unfolded in the Philippines, thousands of young Nepalis clashed with riot police in Kathmandu in outrage over government corruption. Viral videos exposing politicians’ lavish lifestyles — mansions, luxury cars, and offshore accounts — inflamed public anger. Riots escalated into deadly confrontations, leaving more than 70 dead and 1,000 injured
In Indonesia, streets erupted in August over proposed changes to election laws perceived as entrenching dynastic corruption. President Prabowo Subianto’s administration faced accusations of favoritism toward his family and allies. In Jakarta, tens of thousands of protesters clashed with security forces, claiming that Indonesia’s vast mineral wealth often benefits elites through graft and demanding transparency in resource allocation
In Malaysia — as if echoing the problems in the Philippines — recent floods in Penang and Johor were blamed on corrupt infrastructure deals that left communities vulnerable. Protests in Sabah and Kuala Lumpur demanded probes into the deals in which billions of ringgits allegedly were siphoned off by former leaders.
In Bangladesh last year, what started as student protests against a controversial job quota system — seen as favoring regime loyalists — morphed into a nationwide anti-corruption crusade. Sheikh Hasina’s administration was accused of embezzling billions of takas through crony contracts and suppressing dissent. Protesters stormed her residence, forcing her to flee to India amid scenes of chaos.
In Sri Lanka, a 2022 economic meltdown — triggered by debt defaults, fuel shortages, and food crises—exposed the Rajapaksa family’s alleged corruption. Billions in loans from China vanished into vanity projects, while the clan amassed fortunes abroad. Protesters occupied the presidential palace, swimming in its pools as a symbolic act of reclamation. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned, fleeing to Singapore and then to Thailand.
These movements share DNA. They are spontaneous, leaderless, and driven by social media — Facebook, TikTok, and Discord, among others. Unlike past revolutions, they’re not orchestrated by opposition parties, but erupt from grassroots exasperation with leadership. Social media’s role is evident — spreading awareness and misinformation. External factors — Chinese loans to Sri Lanka and U.S. influence in Bangladesh, for example — add layers of complexity, although the unrest springs mainly from homegrown demands.
In the international press, the Philippines is a benchmark for political corruption because of its recent history. In 1971 President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law and ruled the nation as a dictator until 1981. During that time, he and his family stole from $5 billion to $10 billion from the citizens and lived a decadent lifestyle. Taking inflation into account, the amount stolen would be $14.3 billion to $28.6 billion — ₱830 billion to ₱1.6 trillion in today’s Philippine pesos.
Marcos ranks near the top for the amount of money stolen from his countrymen. Mohamed Suharto of Indonesia, dubbed “the world’s most corrupt leader,” stole some $15 billion to $35 billion during his presidency from 1967 to 1998, and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire stole around $5 billion during his presidency from 1971 to 1997.
In addition to making good headlines, the corruption in South and Southeast Asia is far from unique. Who can forget the 2011 “Arab Spring” in the Middle East and North Africa, which saw uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Lybia, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and beyond?
Indeed, every geographical region has examples of young, leaderless mobs demonstrating against corrupt regimes.
In Latin America, it can be found in this year’s bloody street protests in Brazil and Peru, where crowds demonstrated against embezzlement, cronyism and inequality.
In Africa last year, youth-driven protests in several nations — Uganda, Kenya, Botswana and Nigeria — led media pundits to dub them the “African Spring”. Protesters demonstrated against graft, economic inequality, and government corruption.
In Europe in 2024 and 2025, Hungary, Ukraine and Bulgaria all experienced demonstrations of youthful, leaderless mobs against graft and corruption.
From a historical perspective, political corruption is as old as the hills, and it’s not going anywhere soon. Evidence of corruption is found as far back as 1750 B.C. in the Code of Hammurabi, a collection of Babylonian laws covering contracts, trade, and other economic and civil matters.
Political leaders should be forewarned that social upheavals have toppled regimes, exposed systemic rot, and signal a generational shift. Dubbed the “Asian Spring” by observers, these movements in the Philippines, Maylasia, Indonesia and Sri Lanka — fueled by endemic corruption, economic despair, and the amplifying power of digital platforms — are reshaping the political landscape from Colombo to Manila.
Bryce McIntyre, PhD, resides San Andres. He holds a doctoral degree from Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, USA. Grok AI was employed in research for this article.