Bryce McIntyre:

Social Media Fuel Growing Fake News Crisis in the Philippines

Catandunganon readers of Facebook recently were notified of the death of Israel’s leader, Benjamin Netanyahu.

This undoubtedly came as a relief to some, seeing as how Netanyahu is subject to arrest in 124 countries on charges by the International Criminal Court of murder, persecution, and starvation as a means of warfare.

These reports were false, however. Israel’s leader is still alive, daily lobbing precision-guided bombs into Beirut and Tehran, killing Muslims like he was shooting fish in a barrel.

This sort of fake news is a big deal in the Philippines, where social media platforms like Facebook and TikTok dominate how people here get information.

According to the Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2025, a record 67 percent of Filipinos view the spread of disinformation online as a serious problem.

This marks an increase from 63 percent in 2024 and stands well above the global average of 58 percent and the Asia-Pacific regional average of 60 percent.

In short, the Philippines ranks high in concern compared to many other nations. This is due to intense political rivalries and events like the 2025 midterm elections, disputes over the West Philippine Sea, and the arrest of former President Rodrigo Duterte on a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court.

This high prevalence of fake news stems from heavy reliance on social media. Sixty-eight percent of Filipinos see Facebook as a major source of misleading content — far above the global average of 49 percent — followed by TikTok at 48 percent.

Political actors are viewed as the top spreaders — 55 percent — more than so-called “media influencers” or foreign entities. The result is widespread division, eroded trust in the media, and manipulated public opinion.

One prominent case is the disinformation campaign during the 2022 presidential election, where networks spread myths whitewashing the Marcos family’s history.

False narratives claimed Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s wealth came from legitimate sources and downplayed martial law abuses.

In fact, Marcos Sr. presided over one of the most staggering cases of kleptocracy in modern history. During his two-decade rule, from 1965–1986, he and his cronies are estimated to have stolen between ₱265 billion and ₱580 billion from the Philippine treasury, according to the Presidential Commission on Good Government — a sum representing a significant portion of the country’s entire GDP.

Coordinated accounts on Facebook, YouTube, and TikTok denied and whitewashed this, helping Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. win despite historical records.

Fact-checkers exposed them, but the sheer volume of disinformation overwhelmed corrections.

Another example involves pro-Duterte networks defending his drug war. Claims exaggerated drug overdose deaths among youth or portrayed critics as destabilizers.

In 2025, after Duterte’s ICC arrest, fake accounts — up to one-third on X — praised him and attacked the court, suggesting that there were organized efforts to shape narratives.

Recent cases include AI-generated or doctored content fueling the ongoing Marcos-Duterte rift, such as deepfakes or misleading posts about impeachments and scandals.

Deepfakes are synthetic media content — usually video, image, or audio — that have been altered or generated with artificial intelligence to make them look or sound like real people.

Researchers from the Oxford Internet Institute and Philippine investigative journalists have documented organized “troll farms” operating during election cycles.

Troll farms — coordinated groups using fake accounts to spread propaganda — are widespread in the Philippines, according to Rappler, an online investigation news site, and they often are tied to politics.

During Duterte’s era, large operations, including hundreds of paid “keyboard warriors”, boosted pro-government messages and attacked critics. In the 2022 election, Marcos Jr. benefited from similar networks.

A notable recent case is InfinitUs Marketing Solutions Inc., exposed in a 2025 Senate inquiry. Investigations by journalists and researchers have linked InfinitUs Marketing Solutions to coordinated pro-China online campaigns.

Senator Francis Tolentino presented evidence of a contract with the Chinese Embassy paying about ₱930,000 for “keyboard warriors” to push pro-China narratives, discredit Philippine officials on maritime issues, and target anti-China figures.

This aimed to influence opinion amid South China Sea tensions and possibly the 2025 midterms. The firm denied making up disinformation but confirmed payments. Such operations highlight foreign and domestic involvement, with politicians from various sides accused of benefiting.

The Philippine government and media organizations have ramped up efforts to combat fake news. The Commission on Elections issued a resolution requiring disclosure of AI-generated content, banning deepfakes for disinformation, prohibiting fake accounts and bots and forming a multi-stakeholder taskforce. COMELEC reportedly has partnered with Meta, TikTok, and YouTube for faster takedowns.

Also, the Presidential Communications Office launched Oplan Kontra Fake News, and major news outlets like GMA Network introduced Panata Kontra Fake News, partnering with over 50 newsrooms, academics, and COMELEC.

In addition, fact-checking coalitions like Tsek.ph were relaunched for the midterms, and five organizations are now accredited by the International Fact-Checking Network.

Consumers can combat fake news with practical steps.

Check the source: Is it from a reputable outlet?

Read beyond the headline: Headlines often exaggerate; check the full article for context.

Look for evidence: Does it cite official sources, documents, or experts?

Watch for red flags: These include emotional language, text in all capital letters, urgent requests to share, no author byline, poor grammar, and old and outdated images.

Cross-check claims on Google.

Before sharing, ask whether the information is true.

 

 

Bryce McIntyre, PhD, resides in San Andres. He holds a doctoral degree from Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, USA.

Grok AI was employed in research for this article.

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